Background
What is racism?
Racism can be defined and conceptualised in various ways, including by reference to the modes through which it operates (eg structural, institutional or interpersonal forms of racism).31,32 Each of these various forms of racism is a manifestation of ‘systems within societies that cause avoidable and unfair inequalities in power, resources, capacities and opportunities across racial or ethnic groups’.33 Such systems are based on social categories of ‘race’ that have no biological basis,28,34–36 yet are invoked by dominant groups to ‘devalue, disempower, and differentially allocate valued societal resources and opportunities to groups defined as inferior’.37
Racialisation is a social phenomenon by which people are categorised into ‘races’ based on phenotypic characteristics, ancestry and/or culture, which are assumed to confer essential innate characteristics or differences.32,38 Although racial science has been discredited, and race is considered ‘neither useful nor scientifically valid as a measure of the structure of human genetic variation’,28 racialisation persists along with racist attitudes, behaviours, worldviews and social structures that act to perpetuate each other.31,38 Racist social structures include ‘the totality of ways in which societies foster racial discrimination through mutually reinforcing systems of housing, education, employment, earnings, benefits, credit, media, healthcare, and criminal justice…[which] in turn reinforce discriminatory beliefs, values, and distribution of resources’.38 Although race has no basis in biology, racism has biological consequences for racialised peoples by undermining the determinants of health and inflicting trauma and stress through racist systems and discrimination.1
Central to racism is the use of power and privilege by certain groups within society, and the subsequent oppression, cultural suppression and inequity experienced by other racialised groups.32,38 In Australia, British settler-colonists racialised and dehumanised Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples as part of legitimising invasion and theft of land, territory and resources, and concomitant attempted genocide. Prior to British invasion and colonisation, Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples practised a diversity of cultures that sustained the health and wellbeing of communities and Country — land, waters, air, plants, animals and their and their inter-relatedness – through reciprocal relationships of care between people and Country.39,40 Country, culture and community are central to the health and wellbeing of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples. An important aspect of many Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander cultures is kinship. Kinship establishes a system of shared obligations and duties that define social roles and community belonging, and provide a form of governance that supports the harmonious thriving of families and communities.41,42 Since colonisation, these systems of ensuring wellbeing have been impacted by ongoing and compounding waves of violence and trauma.43 This has had devastating effects on the health and wellbeing of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples both directly and indirectly, through damage to the cultural systems that help communities thrive.44
Health inequities currently experienced by Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples result from the ongoing impacts of colonisation. This includes racism inherent in contemporary societal structures and ideologies that suppress Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander cultures and perpetuate political exclusion and ‘differential access to risks, opportunities, and resources that drive health’.37 Historical and ongoing processes of colonisation and racism are forms of trauma. They have violently disrupted connections with Country, culture and community for Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples, and introduced health risk factors that have ongoing and intergenerational effects. For example, government-sanctioned removal of children from their families has caused and continues to cause complex trauma for Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander individuals, families and communities.45
How does racism impact health?
Racism can affect health through multiple pathways,1,33,38,46 including through exposure to physical, psychosocial, socioeconomic and legal stressors, which can co-occur, interact and compound over life courses and generations, in addition to the effects of coping behaviours in response to these exposures.38 Racism impedes access to protective social, cultural, environmental and economic determinants of health and wellbeing, such as nutritious food, clean drinking water, adequate housing, neighbourhood infrastructure, education and employment opportunities, financial security, connection to Country and self-determination.2,33,38,47 Beyond preventing access to positive determinants, racism also introduces negative determinants through stress, trauma and the risk of physical injury and death from exposure to racially motivated violence.1,33,38 Furthermore, racism contributes to inequitable access to healthcare and legal services, which serves to exacerbate or entrench poor health outcomes and limits access to supports and behaviours that are protective of health and wellbeing.18
One direct pathway between racism and health is through stress. Experiencing or anticipating racism activates the fight-or-flight response, as is the case with any threat that a person perceives.1 This involves activation of the sympathetic nervous system and hypothalamic–pituitary–adrenal axis, which produces a state of alertness with elevated heart rate, blood pressure, blood glucose and inflammation.1 When these stress response pathways are repeatedly or chronically activated, alterations occur in numerous bodily systems, including the cardiovascular, gastrointestinal, endocrine, metabolic, neurological and immune systems, with long-term immunosuppressive effects.48
The cumulative physiological burden related to repeated and chronic activation of stress pathways is known as allostatic load.1,48 Biomarkers associated with allostatic load include salivary cortisol, insulin-like growth factor-1, C-reactive protein, fibrinogen, immunoglobulin E, interleukin 6, high-density lipoprotein, low-density lipoprotein, glycosylated haemoglobin, blood pressure, heart rate and urinary noradrenaline, among others.1,48,49 Higher allostatic load and overload are associated with poorer health outcomes across a range of conditions in clinical and general populations, including all-cause mortality, cardiovascular disease, diabetes, cancer, psychological distress and periodontal disease.48–50 A study of Aboriginal adults (n=336) in urban and regional areas of Australia found that higher levels of exposure to childhood stress and trauma were significantly associated with dementia diagnosis.51 A recent international analysis of a large sample (n=5062) of older adults found that allostatic load explained the excess risk of all-cause mortality among those experiencing discrimination.52 A study of Indigenous peoples in Canada found that the frequency of discrimination in childhood was significantly associated with adult allostatic load, even after adjusting for age and income.53 That study also found that engagement with Indigenous culture buffered the adverse effects of childhood discrimination on adult allostatic load.53
Internationally, there is not an agreed method for measuring exposure to racism. Most research to date has focused on measuring experiences of interpersonal discrimination, which can be captured using survey instruments. Exact quantification of the prevalence of experiences of racial discrimination is difficult given the inability to comprehensively capture experiences of racial discrimination. This is compounded by differences in study populations, study designs and measurement instruments used across studies. However, it is well established that experiences of interpersonal racial discrimination are common among Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples in everyday life and in healthcare settings.2–4 It is also well established that there are strong links between experiences of interpersonal discrimination and negative health and wellbeing outcomes, both from international studies33,54 and studies specifically with Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander populations.2–4
A recent national study involving over 8000 Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander adults found a significant dose–response relationship between discrimination and various measures of social and emotional wellbeing, health behaviour and health outcomes.4 For example, compared with those who reported experiencing no discrimination, those who had experienced moderate or high discrimination had a higher prevalence of:
- psychological distress, low happiness, low life satisfaction, frequent experience of pain, doctor-diagnosed depression, doctor-diagnosed anxiety
- ow control over life, choosing not to self-identify as Aboriginal and/or Torres Strait Islander, feeling torn between cultures, feeling disconnected from Aboriginal and/or Torres Strait Islander culture
- ever having alcohol dependence, being a current smoker or gambling in the past year
- poor or fair general health, diabetes, heart disease, high blood pressure and high cholesterol.4
A separate study of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander men found that discrimination was associated with a higher prevalence of suicidal thoughts.55
Racism occurs within many institutions in Australia; healthcare settings are no exception.9,56 Furthermore, experiencing interpersonal racism in healthcare settings is associated with ‘increased psychological distress over and above what would be expected in other settings’.9 The importance of eliminating racism in healthcare settings and government institutions has been recognised in the National agreement on closing the gap and the National Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander health plan 2021–2031.17,22 Both these documents set priorities to identify, monitor and address all forms of racism in order to improve health outcomes for Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples. Both documents also recognise that strong Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander cultures are fundamental to improved health and wellbeing.17,22 At the general practice level, racism should be considered in any interaction with Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people, not only as a potential cause of the symptoms patients present with, but also in terms of the risk of the practice and practitioners within it exposing patients and others to racism.
All practitioner–patient interactions exist within a sociopolitical context, and it is imperative that non-Indigenous healthcare practitioners recognise the power dynamics at play within such interactions and how their own cultural assumptions and worldviews can affect the experience and outcomes of their Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander patients and colleagues.57 While eliminating racism requires systems-level reform across the health, legal and other sectors,18 GPs and practices can play important roles in the collective effort required to heal from the trauma of racism and prevent its perpetuation.